Eustace Mullins

Sunday, April 29, 2018

The Babylonian Woe

Every conclusion arrived at as a result of study of the fragments of information available in respect to money and its creators in the world of the Ancient Civilizations, indicates the existence of a far reaching conspiracy in respect to monetary issuance influencing the progression of man's history in the earliest times of which written record exists. It is also outstandingly clear that it was parent to that acknowledged and most obvious conspiracy such as exists today.[1]

The whole notion of the institution of precious metals by weight as common denominator of exchanges, internationally and nationally, cannot but have been disseminated by a conspiratorial organization fully aware of the extent of the power to which it would accede, could it but maintain control over bullion supplies and the mining which brought them into being in the first place. Clearly such notion had originally come into being during that historically distant period when first of all free silver began to be extensively used as a convenient and highly portable commodity in settlement of balances outstanding in foreign trade; certainly as far back as Neolithic times. This fact was indicated by the evidence existing that values (and by inference money) were already expressed in terms of silver by weight at the time of the Azag-Bau Dynasty at Kish in Mesopotamia (3268-2897 B.C.); although in a sense perhaps narrow and strictly national.

According to tablets unearthed recording a sale of land, the sellers were known as "The eaters of the silver of the field."[2] This expression clearly showed a connection between the conception of money as an abstract unit in circulation, and silver. On first reading this unusual expression, there is temptation to think that an error has been made in the translation of the tablet. However, according to the correspondent in Zaire for the magazine known as Awake, chiefs of the natives of this country in pre-Europeanized times announced the copper mining season with the words Tuye Tukadie, Tuye Tukadie mukuba, which literally translates as "Let us go eat copper;" in effect meaning "Let us go enrich ourselves to provide for our life." Tangible material on which the symbols of this money were later recorded. Such silver would then be valued according to the ancient customs of the international trade routes which were manifested in the rules of the travelling merchants who controlled these routes; these rules being established towards the better regulation of exchanges between themselves.

In other words, as a result of the establishment of the custom of settlement of balances in external trade by silver bullion by weight, it seems that a system of values had grown up in the cities of Mesopotamia, over what period of time it would be impossible to say for sure, in terms of those accepted values of definite weights of silver bullion in such external trade, relative to the staples of life: barley, dates, etc.

That sales are recorded in the 4th Millennium B.C. means that even at that time there was a clear conception of the significance of the abstract monetary unit, which is in itself an integral part of the law structure of any state, for such sales were in terms of money. The true meaning of such a concept being largely incomprehensible to most even as in this day, except they were the truly initiated, those controlling the internal exchanges, namely the priesthood and scribes, might well be excused if they early fell into the error of expressing values in terms of the standard of values in international trade. This serious error brought about finally, not only the collapse of that power through whose medium the god kings were best able to serve their peoples, but also as a further consequence, the collapse and fading of the meaning and benevolent purpose of the god kings themselves.

With silver bullion controlled by an international and conspiratorial minded group, as indeed it is obvious it must have been, considering the main sources of silver supply as being far away from those centres of civilization whose money depended on it and yet with people coming to equate money, in actuality the law of the ruler, with value according to the law created in the exchanges by the custom of the use of that same privately controlled commodity, then it becomes quite clear that scarcity or plenty in money, whatever way it was evinced in the circulation, depended on the manipulations internationally of that group controlling the distribution of precious metal bullion, and the plenty or scarcity they created, as was convenient to them.

If there was no silver, why then! there was no money, and prices fell. Substitute gold for silver, and history seeming to fast repeat itself, we have the condition of the European world of the last 2000 years. If there was no gold, Why then again! There was no money!

Hence was able to develop that conspiracy against mankind most exemplified by a continuous propaganda of hate against all authority: in pre-antiquity and antiquity against the many city gods, and in relatively modern times against the kings that rose out of the ruins of that which had been Rome.

As those controlling totally the economic life of a state through monetary creation and emission, must have felt that kings and gods were more of a nuisance than anything else, the instigators of this conspiracy in whatever place and era, obviously were those who first did the business of bankers; the controllers of values, and consequently the economic life of the states wherever the precious metal standard was used.

According to Sir Charles L. Woolley, excavator of the city of Ur in Southern Mesopotamia, the unit of exchange in the days of the great city states of Mesopotamia of the third and fourth Millennium B.C., and which served, therefore, as common denominator of the value of goods and services, was the measure of barley. While however pointing out that gold and silver came to pass from hand to hand, with a value dictated by their value with reference to the constant value of a measure of barley, he asserts that the salaries of government officials at the time of Hammurabai (about the beginning of the second millennium B.C.) were assessed in barley but paid in silver, such silver having neither stamp nor government guarantee[3].

The notion therefore herein implied, of the numerous officials and labourers of Hammurabai of Babylon waiting in line to have silver cut off from the bullion bar, and weighed as against pay for the day, or the week, or the month, as the case might have been, although offered with sincerity, patently is as erroneous as that conception of the every day use in the exchanges of the aes rude in a similar way, in which the classical scholars and numismatists would have us believe; and which implied that the foreman and his labourers in ancient Rome of the days of the kings also waited in line after their day's labour, say, on the Circus Maximus, to have a fragment of copper cut off and weighed in order that their wives might be able to go to the market to purchase the evening meal.[4]

Clearly the word silver in the texts means no more than the word Plata in modern day Spanish, or Argent in modern day French. These words literally translate as silver, but as money which they are most used to indicate, they may be anything from grimy tattered paper note, to a silver peso, or to the brass coin which may function as divisible thereof. Similarly the word from the texts denoting silver may be safely said to have meant that which passed for money, perhaps exchangeable in the temple or the money shops for silver, but being in itself anything which circulated, denoting multiple or divisible of the unit o exchange; be it clay or wood or glass[5] or leather or papyrus or stone. Very little is known of the former relatively extensive use of glass as material to record definite numbers of the unit of exchange, or, more simply put, as money.

Thus, as was the case in Sumer indeed, long, long before the time of the great Hammurabai once money had come to be more of an abstract unit of account based for its value in desirable goods and services, on the barter power of a certain weight of silver bullion related to the constant value of barley,[6] it was no major advance for those who benefited most from this conception, namely the bullion brokers and their satellites, the money changers or barkers, to find a weak king and a corruptible priesthood, who could be brought to lose sight of the total control of the city which was the right of the god they served; and who might turn a blind eye to those other more sinister activities by which the power of the Ziggurat was further undermined.

Of those times Dawson in The Age of the Gods remarks:

"Originally the state and the temple corporations were the only bodies which possessed the necessary stability and resources for establishing widespread commercial relations. Temple servants were sent on distant missions, provided with letters of credit which enabled them to obtain supplies in other cities. Moreover the temple was the bank of the community through which money could be lent at interest and advances made to the farmer on the security of his crop. Thus in the course of the 3rd millennium there grew up in Mesopotamia a regular money economy based on precious metals as standards of exchange, which stimulated private wealth and enterprise and led to real capitalist development. The temple and the palace remained the centres of the economic life of the community but by their side and under their shelter there developed a many sided activity [that] found expression in the guilds of the free craftsmen and the merchants, and the private enterprise of the individual capitalist."[7]

This information from Christopher Dawson with the translation of the tablets before him, and every assistance no doubt from those students in that particular field, is most illuminating; but of the undertones of those highly significant years in man's period upon this earth, he seems to see little, or he just does not choose to speculate as to their nature.

Principal amongst those undertones, and quite possibly the force that brought these changes about, may safely be assumed to be the secret and private expansion of the total money supply effected primarily by the issuance into circulation of false receipts for silver and other valuables supposedly being held on deposit in thief proof vaults, or otherwise, for safe custody.

Such receipts would be accepted by merchants instead of the actual metal, and would function as money, and would be an addition to the total money supply, though not understood as such by the rulers who would thus easily be inveigled into lending their sanction to seemingly harmless practices; or at least into turning a blind eye; especially if priesthood and scribes so advised.

With that growth of the conception of private wealth which would automatically follow on the acceptance of the idea of buying and selling, or perhaps better put, preceded such idea of buying and selling as according to a silver standard internationally accepted, such involvement of priesthood and scribe would not be hard to achieve. According to Sir Charles Woolley, trade seemed to extend from the city of Ur, particularly during the so-called IIIrd. Dynasty, over the whole known world which certainly reached as far afield as Europe[8] being carried on by means of letters of credit, bills of exchange, and "promises to pay". Actually evidence exists of Sumerian culture extending as far as the Caspian Sea even before the Dynastic Period. Reference to this subject is to be found on page 47 of The Sumerians (cheques), made out in terms of staple necessities; of life expressed in terms of silver at valuation of barley (probably at a given season of the year).[9] On pages 124-125 of his book Abraham (London, 1936.) comment is made by Sir Charles Woolley: "a trade which involved the greater part of the then known world was carried on with remarkable smoothness by means of what we should call a paper currency based on commodity values. The fluctuations of currency values which are the bugbear of modern commerce were virtually overcome by a currency which depended ultimately on the staple necessity of life but was qualified by the use of a medium possessed of intrinsic value; the commercial traveller had to use his wits and exercise his judgement as to the form in which he cashed his credit notes."

There also is no doubt that the merchant as representative of the god of the city from which he journeyed, loaned money by which his customers were able to make their purchases, such money merely being an abstraction indicated by the figures on the clay tablet; in earlier days being backed by the will-force of the god of the city, and in latter days by the promises of silver issued by one who at that time would be the equivalent of today's banker, and who, should such need arise, such as would be occasioned by the temple withdrawing its sanction or permissiveness towards his activities would be able to partially back his self-created abstract money which was the reality of such promises, with actual silver.

Thus the caravaneer or travelling merchant gave credit. Whether his own or that of the merchant for whom he was agent, or direct; from the Ziggurat itself, dwelling place of the god, it functioned as a form of foreign aid similar to the foreign aid of today. Considering that the merchant in earlier times operated solely with the credit of the temple that raised him up, while the temple remained supreme, such foreign aid was instrument of state policy, maintaining the servility of lesser states, while at the same time maintaining the steady working capacity of the home manufactures, and contented people in consequence. The classes of the dominant power were content that the manufacturies gave them daily labour, and the classes of the subordinate power were able to buy the luxuries they craved, and the necessities they needed as against money deducted from the credits loaned by the dominant power. Repayment of these credits, as in today, was made by way of return shipment of raw materials such as were needed for the manufacturies of the dominant state. That such raw materials were assessed in value as according to the international value of silver related to the national value of barley in the dominant state seems most likely.

However it is clear that with the growth of silver in circulation between private persons, and between private persons and states, as now would become an inevitability, that which had been total economic control from the gods through his servants in the Ziggurat, was bypassed, and merchants were now able to deal privately using their own credit, or powers of abstract money creation. They were also able, through their control of distant mining operations, to afflict a previously dedicated priesthood with thought of personal possession; and through the control of the manufacture of weapons in distant places, they were able to arm warlike peoples towards the destruction of whosoever they might choose.

Those merchants of whatever race they may have been, who voyaged to the cities of Sumer from places as far distant as the great cities of the Indus valley civilization known today as Mohenjo-Daro and Harrapa, as is clearly demonstrated by the Sumerian seals found at Mohenjo-Daro[10] and the seals from Mohenjo-Daro found at Ur,[11] and who were without a doubt one of the main sources of precious metal supply in sumer,[12] came to realize that they could actually create that which functioned as money with but the record incised by the stylus on the clay, "Raw materials were imported sometimes from over the sea, to be worked up in the Ur factories; the Bill of Lading of a merchant ship which came up the canal from the Persian Gulf to discharge its cargo on the wharves of Ur details gold, copper ore, hardwood, ivory, pearls, and precious stones." tablet promising metal or money. Obviously, as a result of this discovery which depended on the confidence they were able to create in the minds of the peoples of their integrity, provided they banded themselves together with an absolute secrecy that excluded all other than their proven and chosen brethren, they could replace the god of the city himself as the giver of all. If so be they could institute a conception of a one god, their god, a special god of the world, a god above all gods, then not merely the city, be it Ur or Kish or Lagash or Uruk, but the world itself could be theirs, and all that in it was. A strange dream! One whose fulfilment they never really expected!

Some evidence of the knowledge and previous existence of such practice of issuance of false receipts as against supposed valuables on deposit for safe-keeping clearly exists in the Law No. 7 of the great Hammurabai, which same law was undoubtedly intended as a preventative to this sickness in society, which, even at that day, may very well have been the cancer that destroyed much that has been before.

According to Professor Bright, the Code of Hammurabai was but a revision of two legal codes promulgated in Sumerian by Lipit-Ishtar of Isin, and in Akkadian by the King of Eshnummua during the period of the breakup of that power formerly wielded by the God at Ur, that is, at about the same time that Ur was sacked by the Elamites in 1950 B.C., and Amorite and Elamite political power was established over Northern and Southern Mesopotamia.[13] Both of these codes are well before the Code of Hammurabai, and are evidence of the latter being but a revision of law codes existing in the days of UR-NAMMU, or before, UR-NAMMU being that most outstanding ruler who reigned from 2278 B.C. to 2260 B.C. during the third dynasty at Ur.[14]

The severity of the penalty and the placing of the law so high in the code leaves little doubt that it was directed against an evil that was by no means new, and, who knows, may have been one of the deep seated causes of the invasions that devastated Ur, both from the Gutim,[15] the Elamites, the Amorites, and the Hittites; for no doubt of old, just as today, Money Power was as busy arming the enemies of the people amongst whom it sojourned, as that people themselves.

While the scholars do not appear to have paid any special attention to this particular law, or to have attached to it any special significance, its true intent and purpose is clear to anyone conversant with the origins of private money issuance in modern times, as indicated by the familiar story of the goldsmith's multiple receipts.[16]

If a man buys silver or gold or slave, or slave girl, or ox or sheep or ass or anything else whatsoever from a [free] man's son or a free man's slave or has received them for safe custody without witness or contract, that man is a thief: he shall be put to death.[17]

The requisite of witnesses and contract attesting to the true facts of valuables on deposit, would to some extent obviate the danger of the goldsmiths, silversmiths or traders, involved in a transaction, creating receipts for valuables that did not exist, in safe custody or otherwise. It was equally possible in ancient times as much as in modern times to circulate such receipts as money lawfully instituted.

Provided a corrupted priesthood turned a blind eye to this practice and loaned their sanction thereto, such fraudulent money or, in the misleading euphemism of a corrupted world, "credit", would be equally effective in foreign markets as in the home markets, if not more so because of the greater danger of exposure of the criminal nature of this activity that would undoubtedly exist in the home market.

The severity of the penalty required by this Law Number 7 of the Code of Hammurabai, exercised by a strong and dedicated ruler, would have been an absolute deterrent to such practice that since that time, and more especially in modern times since the 16th Century A.D., has become so indurated to a fixture. Its results are to be seen on every hand, not to speak of the final result which though not yet arrived, else this book would not be in existence, is clear.

The Laws of Hammurabai, King of Babylon, just the same as those more ancient codes of which they were revision, were directed towards the regulation of life of nobleman, as well as freeman, merchant, or slave, and no special concessions were given to either of these stations in life, even if such stations in life were accepted as integral part of the structure of the state life. Euphemistic and misleading words such as "businessman" or "financier" had not yet, it seems, been planted in the vocabulary. By and large, the king still ruled in absolute, and his law giving justice to all was carved in stone, and placed in the market place for the highest or the lowest to understand clearly the rules by which he must live. Merchants were unequivocally described as such, and law ruthlessly prescribed severe penalties for their corrupt conduct. They were kept in place as a caste, not of the highest order, and, it would appear, somewhat similar to the Hindu system, they served the priesthood and nobility, and were conceded a place in life as an instrument whereby the people generally might live a better life.

The Code of Hammurabai, revision of more ancient codes as it was, does not reveal any particular regard towards this caste of persons. However, as by the time of its promulgation, both private property and privately issued money seem to have been well established, it is to be assumed that the ignorant of noble caste or otherwise, were already deferring to that magic known as money, in much the same manner as they did at all times through latter history when faced with the necessity of compromise with private money-creative power, whose activities had been permitted by foolish kings, and to whom such kings had even committed the finances of the realm. Such was most clearly illustrated during the last four hundred years in England; perhaps more so than at any other time in recorded history.

In the time of Hammurabai, King of Babylon, matters were by no means as desperate as they are today. Merchandising was by no means regarded as an end in itself, and a means whereby it was the right of ignoble men to proffer any corruption to the people so long as it made "profit" for them, and "interest" for the so-called banker who supplied the original "finances" out of his secret and costless money-creative processes. Money lending and merchandising as it is known, still had not come to be a means whereby man-hating and therefore corrupt secret societies might seek to overturn the tree of life itself by way of sowing the seeds of decay in that true and natural order of life which had been ordained from time immemorial.

Private money creators and the merchants their satellites, had at that time by no means arrived at that point when they might conspire to present complete defiance to the gods and their appointed, and as a small matter in the way of their business, install jackasses, or whatever might be, in the places of the mighty, as too often was the case in the latter days.

1. According to the review of Tragedy and Hope Dr. Carroll Quigley; (New York, 1966.), as contained in the Naked Capitalist published by W. Cleon Skousen, Salt Lake City, 1970.
2. Cambridge Ancient History; Vol. I; P. 371. On first reading this unusual expression, there is temptation to think that an error has been made in the translation of the tablet. However, according to the correspondent in Zaire for the magazine known as Awake, chiefs of the natives of this country in pre-Europeanized times announced the copper mining season with the words Tuye Tukadie, Tuye Tukadie mukuba, which literally translates as "Let us go eat copper; in effect meaning "Let us go enrich ourselves to provide for our life." (Awake, p. 25; July 8th, 1974.). Similarly the expression describing the sellers of land as "eaters of the silver of the field", derives from the same root idea and implies that they enriched themselves to provide for the essentials of life by the sale of their land for silver.
3. Sir Charles L. Woolley: Abraham, P. 123.
4. With all due deference to an otherwise most eminent scholar.
5. Very little is known of the former relatively extensive use of glass as material to record definite numbers of the unit of exchange, or, more simply put, as money. On this subject François Lenormant commented in his book: La Monnaie dans l'Antiquité (P. 214; Tome I, Book II): "Nous possédons des preuves irréfragables da l'usage de monnaie de verre en Egypte des la temps du Haut-Empire (1) usage que se continua dans le même pays sous les Byzantins (2) puis sous les Arabes (3). C'est principalement de temps des Khalifes Fatimite que l'Egypte vit fabriquer le plu grand nombre de ces assignats le verre, portant l'indication d'une valeur da monnaie. Les Arabes de Sicile en firent aussi a l'imitation de ceux d'Egypte"
6. Sir Charles Woolley: Abraham, P. 123; London; 1936.
7. Christopher Dawson: Age of the Gods, P. 130. (London; 1928.).
8. Actually evidence exists of Sumerian culture extending as far as the Caspian Sea even before the Dynastic Period. Reference to this subject is to be found on page 47 of The Sumerians.
9. On pages 124-125 of his book Abraham (London, 1936.) comment is made by Sir Charles Woolley: "a trade which involved the greater part of the then known world was carried on with remarkable smoothness by means of what we should call a paper currency based on commodity values. The fluctuations of currency values which are the bugbear of modern commerce were virtually overcome by a currency which depended ultimately on the staple necessity of life but was qualified by the use of a medium possessed of intrinsic value; the commercial traveller had to use his wits and exercise his judgement as to the form in which he cashed his credit notes."
Further comment was made by Sir Charles Woolley and Jacquetta Hawkes in Prehistory and the Beginnings of Civilization (pp. 615-616; London; 1963): The difficulty was solved by what might be called Letters of Credit facilitated by the existence of established agents on the trade routes.
The traveller started with a consignment of grain, might sell it in some town on his road, receiving a signed tablet with the value expressed in copper, possibly, or in silver with which he could buy there or elsewhere something to the same value which he could sell at a profit farther along on his journey. his tablets payable on demand by the agents to whom he was accredited were the ancient equivalent of a Paper currency."
10. E.J.C. McKay: Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro p 582. (Govt. India. Delhi; 1938.)
11. Sir Charles Woolley: Excavations at Ur; P. 112.
12. In the words of Sir Charles L. Woolley on page 193 of Excavations at Ur: "Raw materials were imported sometimes from over the sea, to be worked up in the Ur factories; the Bill of Lading of a merchant ship which came up the canal from the Persian Gulf to discharge its cargo on the wharves of Ur details gold, copper ore, hardwood, ivory, pearls, and precious stones."
13. John Bright: A History of Israel, P. 44; London; 1960.
14. Sir Charles Leonard Woolley; The Sumerians, P. 25 New York; 1965.
15. The Goyim of Genesis; Chapter XIV; verse I.
16. A. Andreades: History of the Bank of England, P. 23; London; 1966.
17. The Laws of Hammurabai; No. 7; (G.R. Driver & John C. Miles: Ancient Codes and Laws of the Near East, Vol. II, P. 15. Oxford, 1952.)

Saturday, April 28, 2018

The Babylonian Woe


For money has been the ruin of many and has misled the minds of Kings. – Ecclesiacticus 8, Verse 2

When I originally approached my study as best as I might, dealing with the growth in pre-antiquity and antiquity of what is known as the International Money Power, and the particular derivative of the money creative activities of such International Money Power that might be defined as the Life Alternative Factor, I did so with some diffidence. Perhaps I was overly conscious of what seemed to be the inadequateness of my preliminary training in these matters and that in no way could I describe myself as deeply conversant with the languages of ancient times, or, in the case of Mesopotamia, their scripts.

However, in my preliminary studies involving checking through the indices of a number of those standard books of reference dealing with the ancient civilizations, I soon found that any feelings of inferiority in so far as the adequacy of my scholarship relative to my particular subject was concerned were unwarranted, and that qualms in these respects were by no means justified.

In almost all of such books of reference, except those that classified themselves as economic or monetary histories, was practically no clear approach to the subject of money and finance, or to those exchange systems that must have existed in order that the so-called civilizations might come to be. In the odd case where the translations of the texts might reveal some key clue, no more special emphasis was placed herein than might have been placed on the mention of a gold cup, a ring, a seal, or some exquisite piece of stone work.

In Jastrow’s Assyria there was no reference to money at all; in Breasted's History of Egypt a volume of six hundred pages or so, only brief mention on pages 97-98. In A History of Egypt by Sir William M. Flinders-Petrie, in the records of Sir John Marshall and E.J.C. McKay in respect to the diggings at Mohenjo-Daro, and in the writings of Sir Charles L. Woolley and others on their findings from their studies of the exhumed archives of the city states of ancient Mesopotamia, little enough information exists on the matters referred to above. In Christopher Dawson who wrote widely on ancient times, particularly in the Age of the Gods which dealt with most cultures until the commencement of that period known as antiquity, there is only one reference to money, casual and not conveying much to the average reader; this reference to be found on page 131. In King's History of Babylon there was practically nothing on these matters.

Thus in almost all of the works of the great archaeologists and scholars specializing in the ancient civilizations, there is a virtual silence on that all important matter, the system of distribution of food surpluses, and surpluses of all those items needed towards the maintenance of a good and continuing life so far as were required by climate and custom.

In all the writings of these great and practical scholars, the workings of that mighty engine which injects the unit of exchange amongst the peoples, and without which no civilization as we know it can come to be, is only indicated by a profound silence. Of the systems of exchanges, of the unit of exchange and its issue by private individuals, as distinct from its issue as by the authority of sovereign rule, on this all important matter governing in such totality the conditions of progression into the future of these peoples, not a word to speak of.

While it is true that the average archaeologist, in being primarily concerned with the results of the forces that gave rise to the human accretions known as civilizations, has little enough time to meditate on these forces themselves, especially since so little evidence exists of what created them, or of how they provided guidance to men in the earlier days, the widespread character of this omission borders on the mystifying. Virtual failure to speculate on those most important matters of all: the structure of the machinery of the systems of exchanges which undoubtedly had given rise to the ancient city civilizations, and the true nature of the energy source by which such machinery was driven, whether by injections of money as known this last three thousand years or so, or by injections of an exchange medium of which little significant evidence or memory remains, is cause for concern. The truth of the lines as quoted herein from Boeckh’s Public Economy of Athens (p.ii, present work) is immediately clear to all and that the physical force underlying all civilizations must have been the system whereby surpluses were allocated to the people according to their place in the pyramid of life and to their need; thus, when being controlled by the benevolent law of a dedicated ruler, maintaining at all times the true and natural order of life.

It must not be supposed, therefore, that there is lack of understanding of the importance of these matters; nor that there is any special conspiracy of silence, even though there might indeed be temptation to arrive at such a conclusion.[1] Rather it were better to accept things as they appear, and assume that these scholars merely present the fragments of fact as they unearth them; leaving speculation of the true significance of such fragments of fact in relation to the weft and warp of life, to those considered to be particularly specialized in the various fields represented. In the case of money and finance, the scholars concerned would be classified as economic or monetary historians.

Thus little enough seems to be available on the subject of money and finance in ancient days. Nor seems to exist examination of the significance of such money and finance relative to the progress about which so much has been written in modern times. Apart from that of Alexander Del Mar who wrote in relatively recent days, and apart from that of the philosophers of antiquity such as Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Zeno, etc., almost no speculation seems to be available from scholarly sources in regards to the unprejudiced PHILOSOPHY of money, in ancient times. On the all important subject of the consequences of the creation and issuance of money by private persons as opposed to its creation and issuance according to the will of a benevolent, instructed and dedicated ruler, almost no speculation seems to exist in ancient or in modern times. Of those forces that sought throughout history to undermine any ruler who may have been firmly in the saddle because of his exercise of that prerogative which is the foundation of the State Power or God-Will of which he is the living evincement, insomuch as he maintained firm control of the original issuance of money and its injection into circulation amongst the people as against State expenditures, almost nothing seems to be known. Very little information is available of the means those forces employed towards this purpose through injection into circulation amongst the peoples of silver and gold, and of instruments indicating possession of the same.

Practically no information seems to exist of the growth of private money creation in the days of the ancient city states of Mesopotamia, of which, because of their records being preserved on fire-baked clay, more is known than of more recent civilizations; and the gap must necessarily be filled by a certain amount of speculation. Little is known of the beginnings of the fraudulent issuance by private persons of the unit of exchange, as in opposition to the law of the gods from whom kings in ancient times claimed to derive their divine origin; nor is there any information on the significance of such practice relative to the continued stability of the natural order of life in which obtained that system wherein the fount of all power was the God; such power descending to man by way of king and priesthood and directing him as he proceeded about his everyday affairs, content that God’s in His Heaven and all’s right with the world.

The use of tools of hardened iron in the mining industry about the beginning of the first millennium B.C., together with a changed attitude towards slave labour in which the slave, so far as mining was concerned, was assessed at cost per life, must have brought relatively a very flood of silver into the circulation of the cities of the Near East.

Such flood of silver injected into the circulation largely by private business houses who no doubt controlled the mines, however distant, especially after the institution of coinage in which a piece of silver of known weight and fineness passed from hand to hand, must finally and forever have broken that control of exchanges previously exercised by the god of the city through priest king, and priest.

Thus all, priest-kings and priests, came to forget that the foundations of the power given to them from on High towards the maintenance of the right living and tranquil procession through life, of their peoples, were the laws of distribution of surpluses as written on the scribes tablet; laws instituted by the god himself each ordering a specified dispensation from the surpluses in his warehouses in the Ziggurat, to the holder of the tablet. They too fell into the error of believing that silver with value created as a result of its being used as a balancing factor in international exchange could become a perpetual storehouse of value. They themselves became consumed in the scramble for this gleaming metal, so conceding it, through its controllers the power to set itself up in opposition to the law of the gods; to raise itself up in its own right, god in itself.

In its exercise, the fiat of the internationally minded group of merchants or bullion brokers that arbitrarily dictated the exchange value of such silver, being in actuality determination internationally of the value of money, placed such groups controlling silver exchanges above and beyond local law and the law of the local god, and indeed conferred on them the power to influence kingly appointment. It made of them the servants of a one god, a god above all gods; thereby somewhat relegating the god whose order on the state warehouses as inscribed on clay by scribe or priest, had been the law governing exchanges, to the place of their servant, the instrument.

"I have however, kept before me as a guiding principle, in this as other historical works I have written, the maxim that the complexity of life should never be forgotten, and that no single feature should be regarded as basic and decisive,"[2] wrote Professor Rostovtsev, scholar and Economic Historian of renown.

It is true that while no single feature in the progression of history might be regarded as basic and decisive, it is certain that neither money nor treasure will protect the weak and disarmed in the face of a brutal and determined conqueror beyond whose successful achievements, can be no decision more final. It is also certain that the money accumulation mania injected by fame into the minds of the people as a replacement to their concern with those natural qualities endeavouring to colour the current of human life through time, amongst which are numbered virtue, honour, and godliness, destroys equally as any other debilitating disease, and will surely and speedily drag any people down to degeneracy and decay. A great army could not be more efficient in its power of destruction.

The main discussion of the Artha-Sastra of Kautilya, Hindu classic instructing kings and rulers as to their proper conduct towards good government, was as to whether financial or military organization came first of all as the root of strength and power in any organized state.[3] Clearly in that day no less than in this day, financial organization preceded military organization; therefore there is not much point really in discussion of so obvious a fact and truth.

While an effete people, though money as it is known, is in their hands, soon give way to vigour; nevertheless vigour, without strict organization of its finances, which, while constituting strict organization of its labour, also enables it to create, or to obtain by purchase from elsewhere the finest of weapons, will not much avail. Thus, and it has been demonstrated through history over and over again, it is clear there is one feature basic and decisive in the progression of human life; certainly during the latter years of which memory exists. That feature, particularly in relatively modern societies from the bronze age onwards, and during that period of the rapid perfection of the mass production of weapons, is monetary organization, and what precious metals are available for purposes of international exchange as against. the purchase of those finest of weapons and essential materials of war only obtainable abroad, and as wages for the most skilled men at arms from wherever obtainable, abroad or otherwise.

  The gates of Egypt stand fast like Inmutet
  They open not to the Westerners,
  They open not to the Easterners,
  They open not to the Northerners,
  They open not to the Southerners,
  They open not to the enemy who dwells within.[4]

Much of history as we know it is the record of civilizations to counter and evade destruction of themselves from without or within, or is the record of their efforts to destroy other seemingly competing civilizations or peoples attacking them from without or within.

War is as inevitable as is peace as the result of the exhaustion of war, and there are few peoples that escape; but wars of the last three thousand years have not been relatively infrequent occurrences, and have been an incessantly recurring evil. It is no chance that; the growth of warfare into a very cancer eating into the vitals of mankind, and more particularly the white races is parallel to the growth of that other cancer which is private, and therefore irresponsible, money creation and emission.

It seems that almost none of the scholars make any serious effort to throw light on the real meaning of this matter of private monetary emission, and the disastrous effects that it has had, and in finality, will have, towards the defining of the remaining period of time of man upon this earth, as being brief and uncertain.

Those strange decisions of kings signalling the opening of wars as frightful and disastrous to the European peoples, as the last two so-called "World Wars," decisions so abnegatory of self, but more than that, abnegatory of the best interests of the peoples they represented before God, far from being the directives of benevolent force, are the directives of a force which cannot but be described in any way but as being wholly malevolent.[5]

The great engine which is the international control of monetary emission and regulation, driven as it was until recently by the catalytic fuel of gold alone, is now almost world embracing in the scope of its operations. It seems there is no change in the attitude of those its guides, nor any admission of the folly of their misuse of this God-Power which they direct towards the good of themselves and their friends. Their obsession, despite ruin for all looming on every horizon, seems to remain the same narrow vision of the day of their own world supremacy wherein they will rule as absolute lords over all; although by now it should be apparent to them, no less than to all thinking people, that if this madness concealed within the much talked about conception known as progress is not brought to a complete arrestment, nothing remains but an end wherein shall be silence and no song, for indeed there will be no singer, nor any to sing to.

As it looks today, it may be the end for the Indo-European peoples whose diligent labours made so much of this world of today. It may be the end, final and absolute for all men for that matter. it may be the end for this our Earth, our only place and home and hope in the awful endlessness of space and time.

It should be more than apparent that in the relatively recent day when kingship and god-ship were one, so far as the simple souls were concerned, and the god and his viceroy on earth, the priest-king, were creators and controllers of the economic good, exchanges were created in order that the people might live a fuller life, and not so much to benefit any secret society or interlocked group standing aside from the main paths of mankind, but to benefit all who kneeled humbly before the Almighty, each fully in acceptance of himself as part of the god-wish, eternal and infinite; each one in his time an integral unit carefully placed in the pyramid of life itself.

History over these last three thousand years particularly, has largely been the interweaving of both a witting, and an unwitting distortion of the truth, with all the inevitable consequences which have been expected[6] and now are but a little way ahead. Kings largely became the mouthpiece and sword arm of those semi-secret societies that controlled the material of money as its outward and visible symbols came to be restricted to gold, silver, and copper. The fiat of the god in heaven which had been the decisive force behind that which brought about an equitable exchange, was replaced by the will of those classes controlling the undertones of civilization, leaders of the world of slave drivers, caravaneers, outcasts, and criminals generally, such as was to be discerned on the edges of the ancient city civilizations, and followed the trade routes between them. The instrument of this will was precious metal, whose supply was controlled by the leaders of these classes through their control of the slave trade, since mining was rarely profitable in the case of the precious metals, except with slave labour, even after the development of hardened iron tools and efficient methods of smelting.

The power of these men, indifferent and alien to most cities as they were, relative to that power it was replacing, which was the will of the benevolent god of the city, had been made absolute by sowing in the minds of men over the thousands of years, the idea of such metals having a specially high value relative to other goods and services being offered for exchange; indeed that they were veritable store house of value.

The law of the ruler previously exercised towards the well being of the people in that they might live a good and honourable life accordingly became corrupted. It became merely a symbol raised before their gaze, in order that they might not look down and see the evil gnawing away at the roots of the Tree of Life itself, destroying all peace and goodness. Nor could those semi-secret groups of persons be seen who so often were the sources of such evil. In their contemptuous indifference to the men of the state who found meaningfulness and tranquillity through life lived in natural order under the law of the King, they constituted hidden force deeply inimical to the best interests of mankind.

Through stealthy issue of precious metal commodity money into circulation amongst the peoples, replacing that money which represented the fiat or will of the god of the city and which was merely an order on the state warehouses through his scribes, this internationally minded group from the secrecy of their chambers were able to make a mockery of the faith and belief of simple people. The line of communication from god to man through priest-king and priest was cut, being replaced by their own twisted purposes such as they were; not however guiding mankind into the heaven that could have been and where all would be life, and light. and hope, but into such a hell as to escape from which men might gladly come to accept the idea of Mass Suicide.

1. According to Tragedy and Hope, the important and compendious work of Dr. Carroll Quigley, an outstanding scholar of liberal outlook, (as interpreted by the reviewer, W. Cleon Skousen), such conspiracy certainly exists, and is vast in scope to say the least.
2. Mikhail I. Rostovtsev: A Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, p. viii, Vol. I. (Oxford; 1941).
3. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Charles Moore: A Source Book in Indian Philosophy, pp 219- 220. Princeton; 1957.
4. Ancient Egyptian Poem; Christopher Dawson: The Age of the Gods, p. 148.
5. For example, the folly of Britain in letting itself and the Empire be stamped into these last two so-called "Great" wars, may be compared to that of the man described by the Emperor Augustus who goes fishing with a golden hook; he has everything lose and little to gain. (Suetonius: the Twelve Caesars II, 25)
6. Much of this was foretold in the Revelation of St. John the Divine.

Monday, January 22, 2018

Attempt to Dissolve the American Union

Moved to

Friday, April 08, 2016

The Road to Resurgence

The Road to Resurgence

Esteemed Privy Councillor:

I take sincere pleasure in fulfilling your request and hereby present you with this account of my ideas on the present state of affairs in Germany and of the hopes I still cherish despite everything for a resurgence of our folk. Indeed, the enthusiastic concurrence of thousands of my listeners has taught me again and again that wherever our race and kind has remained pure, understanding has also stayed alive for the great German heritage which has been entrusted to, and obligates, all of us. As this understanding lives on, so does the will to join whole-heartedly in working for the inward and outward resurgence of our folk. In the darkness of these days I intend to do my best to pave the way for the manifestation of this will and shall be happy if you, esteemed Privy Councillor, wish to help propagate these ideas in your circles. For I do believe in their victory. With a German salute, 

Yours faithfully,
Adolf Hitler
Munich, August 1927

At a time when one part of the nation is indulging in completely unfounded optimism while the other – unfortunately not the worst – has lost all courage and sees no hope whatsoever, I want to attempt to describe the present situation as I see it and point out the path which I am unshakably convinced can alone lead to salvation.

To begin my reflections, I wish to explain what causes me to dissociate myself from both optimists and pessimists.

Even with the most unprejudiced intentions I cannot bring myself to view our folk's present situation as satisfactory or hopeful, or even to concede that at any time in the past ten years any signs whatsoever of improvement or, as one says today, an upswing, have become evident. Even in the economic sphere, so-called consolidation is either an unthinking fallacy or a deliberate lie.

The fact is that Germany's balance of trade has remained constantly unfavorable and in the past few years has been deteriorating markedly. The nation spends more than it earns. The prescription of offsetting this imbalance by means of foreign loans does not help us resolve the dilemma. It neither affects our balance of trade fundamentally nor does it pave the way to future recovery. Quite to the contrary, the annually increasing burden of interest payments plunges us into an even greater dependency on the outside world. In other ways, too, a significant portion of the nation's economy, of our national productivity, is falling under the impersonal control of international finance capital, while innumerable medium-sized and small livelihoods are going under. Yet not only the financial indebtedness of German industry, but also that of German agriculture, is growing unremittingly. The bulk of our folk and even business circles may fail to recognize these dangers, but they do exist. Another thirty years of this line of development and the German folk will have lost the greatest part of its once independent economy.

At the same time, general unemployment is not declining appreciably*, so that a new estate is emerging within the nation, the likes and scope of which it has previously never known. A whole army of people – two or three times larger than our old peacetime army – which through years of being dis-accustomed to all work will eventually come to view this as a habit, but will nevertheless claim the right to a living within the nation at the expense of the public. This makes – taking together both those entitled and those not entitled to relief – a number almost equal to the total population of Prussia – men, women, and children included – when it took up arms in the First Silesian War.

[*Seasonal employment and cessation of relief payments after 52 weeks currently distort the picture.]

These few factors: on the one hand the loss of the nation's economic independence to, or at least control by, supranational, international financial interests and, on the other hand, the loss of job opportunities for millions of human beings, these are the most visible signs of decay and therefore the reverse of any "consolidation" or "restoration" of the German economy.

Outward signs of apparent prosperity should not be allowed to divert attention from the economy's inherent weakness any more than in the days before the war the Reich's apparent pomp and glory should have been permitted to divert attention from its inner infirmity.

A no less weighty reason for my critical view of our folk's economic life lies in my opinion in the loose, not to say indecent, practices which are alas [leider Gottes] beings employed to an increasing degree in the economic activity of broad circles. Speculation and swindling can conjure up the illusion of momentary success a thousand times over, but such successes are not the expression of any inner recovery or, indeed, of any further advance.

The following fundamental remarks should be made in this context:

Since our own soil cannot possibly sustain the sum total of our population, we are forced to leave the inner circuit of our economy and adjust our production to the export market. The most difficult problem for the future, however, will by no means lie in increasing production, but rather in the organisation of marketing, of sales. Besides Germany there are three other countries in Europe which in nourishing their citizens depend on a set of preconditions similar to those of Germany. England, France, and Italy are dependent on exports. Indeed, even the American union is leaving the purely domestic economic circuit and is emerging as an industrial competitor on a worldwide scale, helped, to be sure, by sources of raw materials that are to a certain extent just as cheap as they are inexhaustible. Especially in the sphere of the motorization of the world, America appears to be cornering the whole world market. Not to overlook the fact that in importing countries industry is also slowly beginning to develop, so that geographically less favorably situated countries, as for example Germany, will one day have to reckon with difficulties in finding markets for their products. In addition, the outside world has succeeded in breaking down a number of German monopolies on the world market and is emerging as dangerous competition, thanks to the coercive restraints of wartime and as a result of the peace treaties and the extensive industrial espionage they produced and fostered. Finally, however, the economies of the outside world's great industrial states are backed up by those countries' political power. And the decisive factor in economic conflict in this world has never yet rested in the relative skill and know-how of the various competitors, but rather in the might of the sword they could wield to tip the scales for their business and hence their lives.

On the basis of these and numerous other considerations, I cannot count myself among those wishful thinkers who immediately talk of progress toward economic recovery or stability every time there is even the faintest semblance of improvement in existing conditions.

I see even less cause for optimism in the general political development of our folk. Almost nine years have passed since 1918. And that is a longer time than lay between October 1806 and the Battle of Leipzig. Seven years sufficed at that time to extricate the Prussian state from defeat and marshal the country politically and economically to the point where it was capable not only of waging the Wars of Liberation but also of earning its own freedom, in the purest sense of that word.

I do not believe in such a possibility now, for in the life of nations no gifts are given, but on the basis of its present political and economic conduct, the German folk has no intrinsic right to hope for freedom. In this context I must take a very firm stand against those who from time to time imagine they discern symptoms of a political upsurge in the vacillating game of parliamentary battles or the ever changing outcome of elections. Actually, the fact of the matter is: the German folk is splitting ever more pronouncedly into two camps that oppose each other as mortal enemies. These camps are rapidly becoming mutually exclusive and are transforming themselves into closed, self-sufficing entities, one of which, the Marxist, a foreign body within its own folk, disclaims all ties to the nation so that it can ally itself with analogous bodies in other nations. Marxism's irrational castelike behavior and estrangement from its own folk has a parallel only in the early history of Christianity, which also established itself as a state within the Roman state, outside the general community of interests, and thereby became the cause of the extraordinary collapse of a world empire which no longer could muster the resistance of the whole state to counter the impact of the technologically and organizationally far inferior Teuton bands.

Germany lost the World War for very similar reasons. In view of such a state of affairs, any hope for a political resurgence is purely utopian. For a true resurgence of the German nation is contingent not on the fulfilment and satisfaction of so and so many daily demands, but rather on regaining the inner strength of the nation, which lies in the universal, collective awareness that its survival is essential, as well as in the sense of national unity this awareness produces. This, however, is lacking.

The Reich and the German national body can nevertheless go on living for a time, just as a man suffering from tuberculosis does not die immediately. Yet this kind of life is not synonymous with health.

Nor can I agree with those people who always view politics and especially foreign policy as no more than the fulfilment of momentary requirements, and hence for whom life is only a matter of satisfying hunger from one day to the next. I prefer to be counted among those who consider politics the task of paving the way of a folk to the future, to distant ages to come, of not only securing the prerequisites for survival, but also of presenting general opportunities for the formation and fullest expression of the essential nature of a folk. Otherwise, the saying "Germanness shall cure the ills of the world" [Am deutschen Wesen soll die Welt genesen] has no relevance for our times.

I view the task of German politics, which should be history in the making, briefly as follows:

Each folk requires a certain amount of space on this earth so that its own identity may develop freely. It is the task of politics to insure that rigid space is constantly adjusted and accommodated to a fluctuating population. Since a folk may only be designated as healthy when it takes part in the universal struggle for survival, for which, however, the prerequisite is population increase, it must be the primary function of politics to accord this natural imperialism its equally natural satisfaction. In its highest sense, politics is thus the task of making a nation's struggle for survival possible by insuring that the basis for food production is constantly brought into line with the population count. A folk whose political leadership deviates from this principle can surely exist on a temporary basis, but sooner or later it is nevertheless doomed to die.

To fulfil this mission, not only individuals of great stature but also a nation firmly welded into a single common community of interests is required. Three great fundamental principles must be observed in this context.

The survival and the future of the various folk groups on this earth depend on:
1. The merit of their own race;
2. The extent to which they accord significance to the role of the individual personality;
3. Recognition of the fact that life in this universe is synonymous with struggle.
It is, however, precisely the repudiation of these three great laws to which I attribute our present-day decline rather than to all the petty failures of our current political leadership.
Instead of raising aloft the merits of race and folk, millions of our folk pay homage to the idea of internationality.

The strength and genius of the individual personality are, in line with the absurd nature of democracy, being set aside in favor of majority rule, which amounts to nothing more than weakness and stupidity.

And rather than recognize and affirm the necessity of struggle, people are preaching theories of pacifism, reconciliation among nations, and eternal peace.

These three outrages against mankind, which we can recognize throughout all history as the true signs of decadence in folk groups and states, and whose most zealous propagandist is the international Jew, are the characteristic symptoms of the Marxism which is progressively gaining a hold on our folk. I say, our folk, for Marxism, while clearly defined and delineated as an organization, has, like a spiritual plague, taken hold of practically all our folk, though many are not aware of it. Once a folk has fallen prey to these vices, however, there can be no more talk of a "resurgence." And so in reality the stabilization of the existing state means only that our folk is slowly becoming accustomed to wholesale corruption and a general decline in standards. Indications of widespread degeneracy are hence innumerable and strike the eye of the attentive and upright observer from all spheres of activity. While our independent economy is being crushed, and our political foundations and even the folk's natural instincts are being destroyed, our art is becoming a laughingstock, our language warped, our soul corroded, and our general culture poisoned. The dwarfishness of the political leaders of our folk fits well into this general milieu, for it is a product of it.

And for this reason I reject the frivolous optimism shared by the mob and its present leaders.

Nor can I join the ranks of the hopeless pessimists.

There would be reason to give up all hope for our folk only if the first of the three preconditions to a folk's greatness and significance on this planet were missing: its racial merit.

For a nation's attitude toward the idea and value of the individual personality as well as its awareness that here on earth struggle is both a necessity and a natural right are determined by its leadership and training. These are the values which our folk has lost through false education and bad influences, but which it can regain at any time through a conscientious leadership.

I would like to say the following about our folk's racial merit: to be sure, we have witnessed no end of sins committed against the body of this folk [Volkskörper] in past decades, and constant bastardization with in part grossly inferior human material has caused and is causing a steady lowering of our racial niveau, particularly in our major cities. Yet this situation has made no greater progress since the end of the war than before; to the contrary, perceptual cognizance is already beginning to set in alongside thoughtless negligence. However, I want to gauge our folk's instrinsic merit not by current manifestations of what has been, after all, but a short period of corrupt leadership, but rather by the record of our thousand-year culture, by the universal values our folk has given mankind, and by the heroism our folk is capable of by virtue of just this intrinsic merit. Our folk is able to pit the historical reality of the greatest conflict of all times against the muck we have today. For me, the folk which has today capitulated is still the folk of triumphant victories, capable of the most heroic sacrifice, noblest friendship and comradeship, and greatest loyalty. I cannot deny the merit of my folk, for heaven once blessed me with the good fortune to see its highest merit put to the test on that field of honor where blood, not phrases, is decisive. Since I know the German folk from that experience, I am unshakably filled with the conviction of its merit. Looking back into the history of the German past, I find that no other existing folk has given rise to more eminent men of distinction than our German folk, be they statesmen or emperors, generals or princes of the arts and sciences, or kings in the realm of thought. Destiny has always given our folk the great minds it deserved. But there is no need to speak about the courage and natural fighting spirit of the German folk. This is testified to by a German history that for almost two thousand years was world history.

I therefore continue to view the merit of our folk as an unalterable fact, still believe in the existence in our folk of the only apparently lost appreciation of individual personality, and continue to be deeply imbued with belief in its power to struggle. Only the education and leadership of our folk must be fundamentally altered in order to help it realize its merit, as a state as well as a folk.

One may well grasp the full significance of precisely this problem's size and gravity, may recognize the full extent of the position of strength held by those who seduce our folk, as well as the sluggishness of the masses who meekly submit to their will – still, this does not give one the right to abandon weakly all hope but, rather, more than ever the obligation to resist.

In these times it is necessary to be guided by the spirit of Frederick the Great: "It is not important that you live, but it is necessary that you do your duty."

Our supreme duty today is not to capitulate in the face of signs of degeneracy but to confront them heroically, not to lose heart but to brace our backs and clench our teeth in order to profess that supreme faith which lies in the living conviction that everything created by man can also be destroyed by man, and that there is no work of the devil that cannot be broken by sacred will.

That, at least, is my faith.

Upon it the National Socialist movement was founded.

In the realization that the controlling elements in our present political life, contaminated as they are by the general spirit of the times, have consciously or unconsciously either organized the broad masses to pernicious ends or made them victims of sluggish indifference, unable to resist, so that they no longer want to, or can, bring about a change by their own efforts, this movement has, through the establishment of a general program which serves as it were as a framework, carried through its own organization, less with the purpose of becoming a factor in parliamentary struggles than with the aim of serving as the germ cell and shock troop of a new Reich.

The movement heeds only the three most essential requirements for the future of a folk.

It views folkdom and race as the supreme value, it puts its trust in esteem of the individual personality, and it instills readiness for sacrifice and a positive attitude toward struggle.

It sees the problem not in the search for some parliamentary majority or another, in creating any particular coalition, or in setting up some new government or preparing for better elections, but, rather, exclusively in instilling the above-mentioned principles and ridding our national body of the lacerations caused by disregard for these principles and by the effects of Marxism.

The new movement categorically rejects any division into estates or classes, and in their place proclaims an all-embracing German outlook.It does not imagine that this changeover can be achieved by pious teachings alone. No, it is convinced that the movement will first have to prove by its own example that such a changeover is possible and, further, that some day it will be possible to impose a general education along these lines on the nation, if necessary by means of the hardest kind of struggle. It takes its right to do this from the knowledge of this necessity. In place of the currently prevailing international outlook, the movement thereby consciously and deliberately substitutes a sharply defined nationalistic orientation; in place of democracy's worship of the masses, the unconditional authority of the individual personality; and in place of the plague of pacifism, training to resist and struggle. The movement knows first of all that such a development cannot be launched from above, but rather has to be generated in the heart of a nation and develop from there, as is the case with all great phenomena in the history of the world; second, that it is not welcomed by the representatives of the regime now in power, nor can it ever be, so that it must follow its own course, the course of struggle against oppression; and, third, that success does not come overnight, but instead that only iron determination and unending patience entitle one to a success whose meaning and significance lie not in curing momentary ills but, rather, in wiping out deeply rooted evils and their fundamental causes.

The movement proceeds from the realization that the future of a folk is not guaranteed by the economy alone. It views the economy as no more than a necessary maidservant in the life of a national community and folkdom. It feels that an independent national economy is a necessity, but does not consider it a primary force or the molder of a strong state but, rather, just the reverse: only a strong nationalistic state can safeguard such an economy and give it the opportunity to survive and develop freely.

The National Socialist movement furthermore recognizes that complete incorporation of the so-called Fourth Estate into the national community is the most essential precondition to the fulfilment of this task and the establishment of a cohesive national body. It considers this the prerequisite for the survival of our folk, and not just a theoretical problem. It wishes that these million-strong masses, who number among our national assets, will be delivered from the hands of their present international and mainly un-German seducers and leaders and will be completely incorporated in the nation and state. As a start, it is carrying out this process within its own ranks, to set an example and thereby prove the possibility of executing this plan. In this context, it views the fulfilment of rightful social demands as legitimate concessions, but in actuality only apparent ones, which should be viewed against the immense gain to be derived from an intimate, all-embracing national community and the power it engenders.

From the hitherto misconstrued and consequently divisive concepts, "nationalism" and "socialism," the movement has formulated a new compounded concept by pointing out that nationalism in its highest form is identical with supreme concern for the welfare of the folk, and that socialism in its highest form is identical with supreme love for folk and fatherland, so that both represent the responsible fulfilment of one and the same folkish duty.

The movement has thereby created a concept which can serve to unite the finest members of our folk, whatever camp they may come from.

It knows that this means declaring war on gigantic interest groups, on selfish individuals in all camps, and, not least, on lackadaisicalness in general; it does this, however, in the conviction that a folk in such a state of collapse as ours cannot be delivered from its world-historical catastrophe by some new campaign slogan but, rather, only by a new inner commitment to a faith that is the outcome of self-examination just as it is determined to overcome the causes of previous weaknesses. In these times of universal capitulation or lethargic indifference, the movement has established a truly high and worthwhile goal and, in its fight to achieve it, is creating a faith that one day should and will give life a new intrinsic value for millions.

I myself have no illusions about how hard the fight will be. But I could never seriously believe in the resurgence of our folk if the very enormity of the struggle did not prove, in itself, the justification for such a victory. A folk that fought out this World War and yet in the end collapsed, victim of its inner failings and weaknesses, should not hope to expiate the blood sacrificed on a thousand battlefields or to set history straight by means of parliamentary or diplomatic double-dealing.

The organizational core of the National Socialist movement was established in 1919. It sprang into being out of nowhere. At first it was ridiculed and not taken seriously; yet it is still here today. It came into being in conflict with all forces of public life, for it is no defense league dedicated to the preservation of the present state but rather a fighting organization bent on overcoming it and creating a new Reich. Its leaders are not to be classed with the so-called "pillars of society" of old. Only ten years ago, I myself marched as a trusting soldier in the great army, did my duty and hoped for victory. Had Fate summoned me, my name would today lie buried with the others beneath the monument to the Unknown Soldier. Instead, Destiny drew me out of the faceless crowd and led me to become leader of a movement whose name each German at least knows today. With pride I can state that in these years I have never once capitulated in the face of public opinion, and instead have constantly followed the course which duty and perception have prescribed, without regard to the favor or antagonism of those who call themselves the folk. And I have striven to instill this into the movement I have founded and now lead. It has grown and toughened in the struggle against the cowardice and fickleness of public opinion and against lies and treachery.

The National Socialist movement is no parliamentary party. It does not expect that questions involving the fate of the German nation could ever be resolved by majority rule. It is convinced that the spirit it advocates will one day become the spirit of that institution which is all that remains of the old army and, at the same time, the school for the future. The organisation of the military might of a folk, be it large or small, is always intimately connected with a doctrine of the value of individual personality, struggle, and patriotism. Unintentionally and unconsciously, to the extent that the official state becomes more and more corrupt in its folkish content, discredited by its personnel, and filled with pacifistic cowardice, the movement and the army will draw ever closer together.

In these seven years of progressive deformation of the German national body, a state within the state has slowly evolved which ideologically as well as politically will be the Prussia of the coming era.

I believe in our victory.


Sunday, January 04, 2015

Alfred Rosenberg

The Track of the Jew through the Ages


Alfred Rosenberg was born in 1893 in Reval* in the Russian Empire and studied architecture in the Riga Polytechnical Institute where he obtained his diploma in 1917. In his youth he read with avid interest the works of Kant and the German Idealists, as well as Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Wagner and Houston Stewart Chamberlain. But it was his discovery of Indian philosophy that served as the deepest spiritual inspiration of his life. As he comments on the primacy of the contemplative life in Indian thought, "How far we are here from all greed for power and money, from all rapacity and intolerance, all pettiness and arrogance." (p.40)**

[*Today Tallinn, capital of Estonia. **All references are to the present edition.]

In 1918, Rosenberg emigrated to Germany, at first Berlin and then Munich, where he met Dietrich Eckart and contributed to his magazine Auf gut Deutsch. It was through Eckart that Rosenberg met Hitler. Rosenberg had already in January 1919 joined the NSDAP, that is, before Hitler, who joined only in October of that year. However, Rosenberg was not very close to Hitler as a political aide, and was more or less restricted to the editorial office of the newspaper Völkischer Beobachter (Nationalist Observer) to which he contributed several articles. The Völkischer Beobachter was the name given to the Münchener Beobachter when the latter was acquired by the Thule Society in August 1919. In December 1920, the paper was bought by the NSDAP and edited by Dietrich Eckart until his death in 1923, when Rosenberg assumed an editorial position.

Influenced both by his reading of anti-Semitic authors and by his first-hand experience of the involvement of the Jews in the Russian Revolution, Rosenberg turned his mind to the Jewish question already during the end of the first World War. In 1919, he composed the present classic study of the Jews.* In 1929, he instituted a 'Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur' (Militant League for German Culture) which lasted until 1934. The members and supporters of this society included the publishers Hugo Bruckmann and Julius Lehmann and leaders of the Wagner Society such as Winifred Wagner, Houston Stewart Chamberlain's widow, Eva, and Richard Wagner's friend, Baron Hans von Wolzogen. The society's main aim was to combat modernism in its manifold forms as Expressionist art, Bauhaus architecture and atonal music. In 1930, Rosenberg became a National Socialist member of parliament and published his cultural history Mythus des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts, which he designed as a continuation of Chamberlain's Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts (1899). In 1933, after Hitler's accession to power, Rosenberg was named leader of the foreign political department of the NSDAP but he did not exert much influence in this position. In 1934, he was placed in charge of the intellectual and philosophical education of the NSDAP.

[*The first edition of Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten was published in 1920 in Munich by Boepple (Deutscher Volksverlag). I have used for my translation Rosenberg's slightly improved edition of 1937 which was published by the Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Franz Eher Publishers, Munich.]

During the war, in July 1940, there was established the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg (the Rosenberg Task Force) which was responsible for the collection of art materials that were considered as belonging rightly to Germany's European Reich. In 1941, after the invasion of the USSR, Rosenberg obtained a ministerial appointment, as Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, though he ran into regular conflicts with the brutal Gauleiter Erich Koch who was made Reichskommissar of the Ukraine.* At the end of the war, in May 1945, Rosenberg was captured by Allied troops and tried at Nuremberg. Unlike Albert Speer, he did not plead guilty and refused to distance himself from National Socialism itself – even though he had clearly been opposed to many of its leading personalities, especially Goebbels, Bormann and Himmler, who had had greater influence on Hitler and consequently greater executive power in the Reich. Rosenberg was found guilty by the Nuremberg Tribunal and hanged on 16 October 1946.

[*At the end of the war, Koch went into hiding and was not found by Allied forces until May 1949. He was judged and sentenced to death in 1959, though his sentence was commuted to life-imprisonment, perhaps because the Russians believed he might have information regarding art confiscated by the National Socialists from Tsarskoe Palace.]

In his memoirs called Letzte Aufzeichnungen (Final Notes), written during his imprisonment between 1945 and 1946, Rosenberg described the entire National Socialist movement as a response to the Jewish question:

National Socialism was the European answer to a century-old question. It was the noblest of ideas to which a German could give all his strength. It made the German nation a gift of unity, it gave the German Reich a new content. It was a social philosophy and an ideal of blood-conditioned cultural cleanliness. National Socialism was misused, and in the end demoralised, by men to whom its creator had most fatefully given his confidence. The collapse of the Reich is historically linked with this. But the idea itself was action and life, and that cannot and will not be forgotten. As other great ideas knew heights and depths, so National Socialism too will be reborn someday in a new generation steeled by sorrow, and will create in a new form a new Reich for the Germans. Historically ripened, it will then have fused the power of belief with political caution. In its peasant soil it will grow from healthy roots into a strong tree that will bear sound fruit. National Socialism was the content of my active life. I served it faithfully, albeit with some blundering and human insufficiency. I shall remain true to it as long as I still live.*

 [*See Memoirs of Alfred Rosenberg, tr. Eric Posselt, Chicago: Ziff-Davis, 1949.]

As for the Jewish question itself, he explained that:

The war against Jewry came about because an alien people on German soil arrogated the political and spiritual leadership of the country, and, believing itself triumphant, flaunted it brazenly. Today, however, the mere protest against such a phenomenon places anyone demanding a clean-cut differentiation between these opposing camps under so much suspicion that nobody dares raise the issue without being accused of preparing another Auschwitz. And yet, history does not stand still. The forces of life and blood exist and will be effective.


The depth of Rosenberg's understanding of the dangers of a Jewish rule of European society is evident already in his first major work on the Jews, The Track of the Jew through the Ages. Focussing on the defects of the Jewish mind itself as the source of these dangers, Rosenberg outlines, in the first part of this work,* the formation of the Jewish mind from the earliest times to the present. In the second part, he surveys the history of Jewish involvement in European politics, especially in Portugal, France, Germany and Russia and also examines the contribution of the Masonic societies, from the 18th century onwards, to the revolutionary movements that brought about the fateful emancipation of the European Jews. In the last part, he analyses more carefully the special characteristics and limitations of the Jewish intellect and proposes his own solution to the Jewish question.
[*I have in my edition divided the text into three parts to facilitate reading and comprehension.]

Rosenberg begins by pointing out that the Jewish diaspora antedated the Babylonian Exile of the 6th century B.C. The Jews, who are essentially marked by financial talents and ambitions, had been tempted by commercial possibilities to disperse throughout the Mediterranean and North Africa long before they began to move eastwards after the Exile. What is significant about their earliest commercial activities is that they were invariably marked by usury and deception, while in mediaeval Spain and Portugal they flourished on slave-trade as well. By lending money to princes for their military adventures as well as for their private luxuries, the Jews acquired a significant power at the courts that resulted in the acquisition of preferential rights and privileges. It was the rise of this ill-gained Jewish power that drove the local populations into the anti-Semitic agitations and persecutions that finally erupted in many European countries. Guilds of craftsmen that were, up until the 13th and 14th centuries, open to the Jews began to close their doors and the Jews were soon forced to live in ghettos for their own safety to avoid the periodic outbursts of anti-Semitic violence. Attempts on the part of governments to forbid usury and to force the Jews to take up manual labour came to nothing since the Jews always found ways of getting round these laws.

Rosenberg reveals that the main reason why the Jew was so successful in his commercial undertakings was the fact that Jewish moral laws blatantly permitted dishonesty in transactions with non-Jews. This is indeed what forced the German philosopher Fichte to exclaim:

"Let the Jews continue not to believe in Jesus Christ, let them not believe in any god at all, as long as they do not believe in two different moral laws and a god hostile to humanity". (p.25)

Coupled with this moral ambivalence of the Jews is their intolerance of any religion apart from their own. This intolerance extended even to Jewish apostates like Uriel d'Acosta and Spinoza. Rosenberg perceptively notes the essential similarity between the intolerance of Talmudic Judaism and the dogmatic rigidity of the Marxist system which "gives an answer to all questions and excludes debates". As he puts it:

This spirit which leads the troops of anarchy diplomatically and brutally at the same time, conscious of its goal, is the religious, economic, political and national spirit of fundamental intolerance that has developed from a racial foundation; it knows only universalism of religion (that is, the rule of the Jewish god), Communism (that is, slave states), world revolution (civil war in all forms) and the internationalism of all Jews (that is, their world-rule). That is the spirit of unrestrained and unscrupulous rapacity: the black, red and golden International are the dreams of the Jewish "philosophers" from Ezra, Ezekiel and Nehemiah to Marx, Rothschild and Trotsky.

This is in marked contrast to the tolerance of the ancient Indians and Germans. Indeed, it is to the tolerance of the Persian Achaemenid rulers that the Jews owe their present existence since it was Darius I who allowed the Jews to return to their homeland after their exile in Babylon.

On the other hand, the Judaism that was crystallised in this period was itself marked by what the historian Eduard Meyer calls "the arrogant denigration whereby all other peoples in comparison to the people chosen by the world-ruling God became heathens destined to destruction". Thus Meyer concludes:

The priestly codex is the basis of Judaism which exists unchanged from the introduction of the Law by Ezra and Nehemiah in 445 B.C. to the present day, with all the crimes and monstrosities, but also with the goal-oriented, ruthless energy that has been inherent in it from the beginning and that produced, along with Judaism, its complement, hatred of the Jews. (p.41)

The ghetto which came to characterise the Jewish existence in later times was indeed originally formed by the desire of the Jews themselves for cultural separation from their host peoples. Later, when the resentment of the local population turned violent, the ghetto served also as a protection against injury. Gradually, ghettoisation and various limitations of property and immigration were seen to be necessary to protect the local population itself from the Jewish influence. As Rosenberg points out:

The men of those times dealt on the basis of bitter experience and did not allow themselves to be led by obviously stupid slogans and effusive lack of criticism as our present-day "civilised" public in Europe allows itself to be without resistance. Only immigration laws can save us too from the present-day Jewish rule or we must decide to become more efficient and unscrupulous than the Jew. (The National Socialist state has, of course, for the first time done that).

One of the most characteristic and significant signs of the hostility of the Jews towards the Europeans is their hatred of Christianity. Rosenberg gives samples of this hatred from the Talmud as well as from the work called Toledot Yeshu which purports to give an account of the life of Jesus. Indeed it is not surprising that the Church increasingly proscribed Jewish works:

Let us imagine the situation: in Christian states there live a foreign people who bitterly revile the founder of the state religion in their books, who all week in the synagogue utter the curse of their god on the Christians and in other ways too make no secret of their hatred. Even a less self-conscious Church than the Roman would have had to take up mass measures to put an end to this situation.

It is interesting that the burnings of Jewish books that began in the 13th century were in fact initiated by Jews themselves who opposed the "heretical" writings of Moses Maimonides. Similarly, the burnings of the Talmud that followed were instigated primarily by converted Jews, who showed the same intolerance in their new-found Catholicism as in their previous Judaism. Rosenberg goes so far as to ascribe the anti-scientific persecutions of the Roman Catholic Church against thinkers like Galilei and Bruno as being due to its adoption of a Jewish intolerance within its own ecclesiastical system. Indeed, during the Inquisition, the most feared persecutors, including Torquemada, were converted Jews: "The symbolism of the Catholic faith they naturally left aside but the joy in religious persecutions found in the converted Jews its most typical representatives."


The second part of the work considers the history of the Jews in Europe and studies the cases especially of the Jews in Portugal, France, Germany and Russia. In so doing, it also notes the importance of the involvement of the Jews in the developing Masonic movement in Europe. Rosenberg begins by noting the similarity of the experiences in different European states where Jews were admitted. At first they are accepted by their host nations with little reserve, then they begin their inborn exploitative usurious business to hold princes and populace under their control and finally they suffer anti-Semitic persecutions or expulsions. In Portugal, the Jewish history begins already in the 11th century and the Jews are seen to profit greatly from the growing slave-trade and to lend these profits to the local population at ever higher interest until popular revolts finally break out in the 16th century. In France, the presence of the Jews in the land can be detected from as early as the 6th century but it was especially under Charlemagne and the Carolingians that they achieved a high status in France as commercial agents. As in most countries, their worldly ambitions knew no bounds and, in the 9th century, Bishop Agobert of Lyons undertook a long and arduous official campaign against their commercial cunning and arrogant mistreatment of Christian slaves. But he found that the Jews had protection in high places and his efforts bore little fruit. It was not until the beginning of the 14th century that popular agitations succeeded in driving them out of Lyons. In central France, the economic situation after the Crusades was extremely favourable to the usurious activity of the Jews and they exploited it to the utmost – until they were driven out in the late 14th century.

Only in Pamiers at the foot of the Pyrenees was the Jewish conduct more tolerable since the rabbis enforced strict rules of moderation among their people. As a result, there was hardly any persecution of the Jews in this region. During the French Revolution, however, the Jews worked fervently for their emancipation through such agents as Herz Cerfbeer in Alsace and Moses Mendelssohn in Berlin. And the barriers that separated their usurious existence from that of the Gentiles gradually began to be removed.

Although the Jews formed from earliest times an international network that aided Jews in different countries through mutual contacts, the rise of Masonry in the early 18th century helped them operate more effectively and clandestinely through the various lodges of Europe. At first the Jews were not accepted in the Masonic lodges on account of the prevailing aversion to them. But, gradually, movements like the Martinist in the 18th century began to accept Jews in large numbers and lodges that were primarily Jewish too began to be established.

The anti-royalist and anti-clerical aims of the Masons are clear in the part played by them in the French Revolution. Rosenberg points particularly to the role of the Jew Cagliostro in initiating the calamity. Later, when the Revolutionary Army decided to expand its ideas in other parts of Europe through military expeditions, it was aided by the fact that there were Masons among the German generals as well who allowed the French to conquer German territory with little difficulty. Rosenberg explains the conquests of Napoleon too as being due largely to Masonic support, a support that was withdrawn when he decided to use Masonry for his purposes rather than let it use him for theirs.

In the 19th century the development of Jewish lodges proceeded steadily until Masonry became identical with Jewish ideas of revolution. As Gotthold Salomon of the Frankfurt "Rising Dawn" lodge aptly remarked:

Why is there also no trace in the entire Masonic ritual of Church Christianity? Why do the Masons not talk of the birth of Christ but, like the Jews, of the creation of the world? Why is there no Christian symbol in Freemasonry? Why the circle, the square and the scales? Why not the cross and other instruments of torture? Why not, instead of Wisdom, Strength and Beauty, the Christian trio: Faith, Charity, Hope? (p.110)

Soon there sprung up revolutionary nationalistic movements all over Europe such as Young Germany and Young Italy and Young Europe. The subversive anti-European aims of the revolutions of the 19th century are revealed in a message written by the Jew Piccolo-Tigre:

The most important thing is to isolate man from his family and to make him immoral ... When you have instilled aversion to family and religion in a number of minds then let fall some words exciting a desire to enter into the lodges. The vanity of the bourgeoisie to identify itself with Freemasonry has something so banal and universal that I am always delighted at human stupidity. I wonder that the entire world does not knock on the doors of the most eminent and requests to be one more laborer in the reconstruction of the temple of Solomon. (p.113)

After the Paris Commune of 1871, the revolutionary movements fostered by Masonry gradually transformed themselves into socialist and communist ones. Marx and his colleagues saw to it that the socialist movement would not be a purely workers' movement but one always led by Jewish intellectuals such as Trotsky, Kuhn and Leviné. At the same time, the core of the anti-European conspiracy was crystallised in such exclusively Jewish societies as the B'nai B'rith Order founded in New York in 1843 and the synagogues themselves. The chief rabbi of Frankfurt, Isidor, for instance, declared in 1868:

Already the peoples, led by the societies for the regeneration of progress and enlightenment (i.e. the Freemasons), begin to bow before Israel. May the whole of mankind, obedient to the philosophy of the Alliance Universelle Israélite, follow the Jew, who rules the intelligentsia of the progressive nations. Mankind turns its gaze to the capital of the renovated world; that is not London, nor Paris, nor Rome, but Jerusalem, which has risen from its ruins, which is at once the city of the past and of the future.

Zionism was the culmination of this Jewish ambition and it achieved its great victory in 1917 when Britain conquered Jerusalem from the Turks. As regards the relationship of the Jews to the Germans and the German Empire, Rosenberg is careful to highlight first of all the essential incompatibility of the Jewish mind, with its abhorrence of mystical religion and anything falling outside the realm of rational calculation, with the German, for "there is in Europe perhaps no nation that has explored and explained the inner mystery of man as the German?" (p.94). Rosenberg perceptively observes that the "depth of feeling and tenderness" that Schiller praised in Goethe indeed constitutes the very essence of the European soul. This is the reason why, whereas the Jews were able to live fairly comfortably with Frenchmen and Englishmen, they positively hated the Germans – as they did the Russians also, whose spiritual inclinations stood in stark opposition to the Jewish existence. It is not surprising then that, when the Jews realised that the British Empire served the Zionist internationalist dream more effectively than the German imperial one, they decided to back the English against the Germans in the first World War. Organised through the 'Alliance israélite universelle', the Jews embarked on a single-minded enterprise of destroying Germany. It is true that there were some anti-Zionist Jews in Germany who feared that the recognition of the Jews as a nation would mean that they could no longer hide as "state citizens" when accused of commercial or political treason in their adopted nations. But the solidarity among the Jews internationally was paramount and Fichte's early fears in his Addresses to the German Nation (1808) were fulfilled:

Does not the evident thought strike you that, if you give the Jews, who are, regardless of you, citizens of a state that is stronger and more powerful than all yours, also citizenship in your states, your other citizens will be fully under their feet? (p.135)

The horror of a total Jewish rule over European society was first realised in the Russian Revolution, when the Jewish Bolsheviks took over the reins of government from more moderate elements and established a Jewish Russian government. Rosenberg had in fact witnessed at first hand the Jewish control of the Soviet state when he travelled in 1917 and early 1918 from St. Petersburg to the Crimea. As he reveals:

In the name of fraternity and peace the Bolshevists lured to themselves unthinking hordes and set to work immediately with a raging hatred against everything "bourgeois" and soon with a systematic slaughter and civil war, if this one-sided massacre can be called that. The entire Russian intelligentsia, which had for decades striven for the Russian people and had gone to the gallows or were exiled for its welfare, were simply killed wherever they could be got hold of ... The workers and soldiers were pushed to such a degree that there was no return for them any more, they became the will-less creatures of the tenacious Jewish rule which had burned all bridges behind it. (p.143)

The problem with any Jewish rule of the world is the defective and dangerous quality of the Jewish mind itself. This is what Rosenberg explores in the last part of the present work.* He focuses at first on the Talmud as an exemplar of the Jewish intellect and points to the complete lack of any metaphysical or religious value in it. Rather, everything is cut and dried: "The world has been created out of nothing by the god of the Jews, the people who should rule the world and to whom every created thing belongs by right." Around this fundamental premise is woven a vast tissue of sophistical hair-splitting and moral casuistry that is sometimes incomprehensible and at other times obscene. The other basic defect of the Jewish mind, its technical tendency, is exemplified in the various manifestations of modernism itself. As Rosenberg points out:

Today railways and poetry, aeroplanes and philosophy, warm-water heating and philosophy belong to culture; here a methodical differentiation is required. With the word 'culture' one should designate only the expressions of man that are the product (whether it be a felt or a thought one) of a world-conception. To this belong religion, philosophy, morality, art and science insofar as they are not purely technical. The rest is trade, economy and industry, which I would like to designate as the technique of life. Now it seems to me to be an important insight into the essence of the Jewish mind when I name it a predominantly technical mind. In all the fields that I have counted as belonging to the technique of life, it has, as we have seen, always been active with a tenacious energy and with great success. But even there, whence culture springs, it is only the external technical side of it in its different forms that it has left its mark on or possessed. (p.152)

[*These observations of Rosenberg's should render the contemporary discussions of Jewish IQ (see, for instance, G. Cochran, J. Hardy, H. Harpending, "Natural history of Ashkenazi intelligence", Journal of Biosocial Science 38(5), 2006, pp. 659-693, and Richard Lynn, The Chosen People: A Study of Jewish Intelligence and Achievement, Washington Summit Publishers, 2011) rather worthless except as academic exercices.]

Similarly with the Jewish obsession with laws. As Rosenberg explains:

The more clearly and definitely the feeling for justice and injustice is rooted in a people, the less it requires a complicated juristic technique, and so much more spiritual culture will it possess. Thus it is a totally misleading judgement to see in the minute enumeration of the permitted and prohibited activities of daily life an expression derived from a higher ethos.

Quite on the contrary: it is a sign that the main focus of morality does not lie within man but this is determined merely externally, wherein reward and punishment for its observation are decisive. And here it is characteristic of the Jewish mind that the simple morality of good and evil has led to a tangle of laws and to a commenting on the same lasting hundreds of years. (p.153)

This is in contrast to the quintessential Indo-European mind:

... the knowledge of the Indians arose from the longing for the interconnectedness of the universe and led to purified and symbolical knowledge, that thus this knowledge served only as a means to a goal going beyond the same. The Jew has shown throughout his history a search for knowledge in itself, avoided every metaphysical like an infectious disease, and instinctively persecuted the few exceptions who flirted with philosophy. The knowledge of the Law was for the Jew a goal in itself. (p.154)

That is why, Rosenberg points out, Christ's teaching of a kingdom "within us" is essentially repugnant to the Jew.

All the myths that the Jews learnt from the Sumero-Akkadians and, later, the Persians, they turned into historical facts that justified their single political aim of ruling others. Thus

When the Jews heard of the immortality of the human soul for the first time from the Persians, when they heard of a messiah, a Saoshyant, who would deliver the world from the power of the evil principle to establish a heavenly kingdom into which would enter not only the holy but finally also, after severe punishment, all the countless penitent sinners, they understood of this principle of a world-liberating love only the idea of a world-ruling messiah. (p.155)

Those myths and symbols adopted by the Jews into the apparently mystical Kabbalistic work, the Zohar, have turned into "the driest magic".

The technical tendency of the Jewish mind is displayed equally in Moses Maimonides' Moreh Nebukim and in the works of Spinoza, who

... as a genuine Jewish technician ... accomplished the stunt of bringing these opposites [Descartes and Giordano Bruno] to a common denominator and to combine them in an ingenious 'system'. That he could do this shows that he understood neither. (p.160)

Similary in science:

It is now not hard to outline the sphere of the Jewish mind with total strictness. It has always mastered that field of science which is possessed only through the understanding. The lack of imagination and inner quest, which damned the Jew to sterility in religion and philosophy, emerges also in science. Not a single creative scientific idea sprang from a Jewish mind, nowhere has it pointed out new paths. (p.162)

The dangerous influence of the Jewish mind on modern technological society is summarised by Rosenberg thus:

If, thanks to the efforts of self-sacrificing men, science had been brought so far as to be on the track of the fundamental laws of the cosmos, now there emerged a factor that could not easily earlier: the technical processing of the collected knowledge that promotes immediate usefulness. Man began to become increasingly the slave of his creation, of the machine, the technique of life established itself more and more. And that meant the breach through which the Jew rushed into our culture! (p.163)

As for their contributions to the arts, Jews can only produce virtuosos who substitute quantity of performance for quality, composers like Mahler who seek technical special effects and impresarios like Reinhardt who produce all manner of entertainment circuses. Jewish art critics abjure form for technique and favour Artistic Bolshevism* and Futurism – and nevertheless dare to speak all the same time of the "soul" and "inexpressible inner experiences". In the literary field, Rosenberg points to the case of Heinrich Heine who, despite his veneer of European culture, was typically Jewish in his hatred of Christianity. Kant's attempt to show that faith is beyond reason was particularly annoying to the reason-bound mind of Heine. In fact, at the end of his life, Heine gave up all attempts to emulate European philosophy and said on his death-bed: "I do not need to return to Judaism since I have never abandoned it". Finally, the inveterate Jewish hatred of Christianity has appeared in a new political guise in the doctrine of Marx, who preached materialistic atheism to get rid of all religions and internationalism to get rid of all nations so that the world could be more easily ruled by the Jews.

[*Nowadays called Cultural Marxism.]

In the final analysis, the essential characteristic of the Jews is a sheer nationalistic version of the Schopenhauerian Will-to-live, the concept that Nietzsche reinterpreted as a Will-to-power.* Thus "the basis of [the Jew's] character is the unchecked instinct, his goal world-domination, his means cunning utilitarian sense and energy." Incapable of love and the creative instinct linked to it, he has devoted his entire existence to the acquisition of the means of world-rule – symbolised in Wagner's Ring operas by the gold of the Rhine.** In contrast to other world-conquerors, such as the Romans, or Napoleon, the Jews are marked by a total cultural sterility behind the religious fanaticism that compels them to represent themselves as "the chosen people". But, like the slave who wishes to play the lord, the Jew will only succeed in riding his master's horse to death.

[*Rosenberg detects the same characteristic also among their fellow-Semites, the Islamic Arabs. **Indeed both Alberich in Wagner's Ring and Klingsor in Parsifal are vivid portraits of the eternal Jew.]


A solution to the problem of Jewish intellectual influence on, and control of, European society can only be achieved by revoking the emancipation of the Jews:

The German mind, left to itself, would have soon established its own equipoise, but through the Jewish power in the press, theatre, trade and science it was made almost impossible for it. We ourselves were to blame; for we should not have emancipated the Jews but should have created insurmountable exceptional laws for the Jew as Goethe, Fichte, Herder had demanded in vain. One does not leave poison lying round unobserved, does not give it equal importance with antidotes, but preserves it carefully in black cabinets. That has finally happened – after 2000 years – in the National Socialist Reich! (p.165)

The alarming expansion of Jewish power can only be checked by the immediate cessation of tolerance, since

... every European must become aware that it is a matter of everything that our mind, our character has handed over to us as an inherited tradition to be fostered and administered and that here humanitarian tolerance in the face of aggressive hostility signifies plain suicide." (p.187)

One crucially important step in this direction was suggested already by Fichte in the 18th century:

They must have human rights, even if these do not belong to them as to us . . . but to give them civil rights I see no means of doing so, at least, other than cutting off one night all their heads and placing on them others in which there is not a single Jewish idea. In order to protect ourselves from them I see no other means than to conquer their extolled land for them and to send them all there. (p.188)

Following Fichte, Rosenberg suggests his own plan for the curtailment of Jewish power in Germany which would ensure that:

1. The Jews are recognised as a nation living in Germany. Religious faith or the lack of it play no role.

2. A Jew is one whose parents, father or mother, are Jews according to this nationality; a Jew is from henceforth one who has a Jewish spouse.

3 . Jews do not have the right to engage in German politics in words, writing or actions.

4. Jews do not have the right to occupy state offices and to serve in the army either as soldiers or as officers. Their work performance here comes into question.

5. Jews do not have the right to be leaders in state and communal cultural institutions (theatres, galleries, etc.) and to occupy professorial and teaching positions in German schools and universities.

6. Jews do not have the right to work in state or communal test-, control-, censorship-, etc. commissions; they also do not have the right to be represented in the directorships of state banks and communal credit institutions.

7. Foreign Jews do not have the right to settle permanently in Germany. Acceptance into the German state federation should be forbidden to them under all circumstances.

8. Zionism must be actively supported in order to transport a certain number of German Jews yearly to Palestine or generally over the borders. (p.189)

While these legal restrictions can only provide the conditions for the natural development of German culture, care must be taken to foster German culture at the same time. It will be necessary in this regard to cultivate a Christianity that is equally free of the noxious Jewish influence of the Old Testament: "The Christian spirit and the 'dirty Jewish' spirit must be separated; with a sharp cut the Bible is to be divided into Christian and Anti-Christian." Instead of considering the ancient Hebrews as the forebears of Christian Europeans, it would be much more appropriate and rewarding to study, and absorb, the spiritual achievements of the ancient Indo-Europeans, Indian, Persian, Greek and German.

Although Rosenberg's goals of European nationalism may today – after the military defeat of the National Socialists – seem insuperably difficult in the face of the growing American-Jewish globalisation of the world, one may derive a certain encouragement from the following remark made by Rosenberg regarding the campaign of the National Socialists to end the financial slavery of the international Jew: "If this could be achieved even only partially the axe would have been laid to the life-tree of the Jew." (p.189)

Alexander Jacob

We must cast the Jew from our presence,
and ALL kikejews from our realm!